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Publications  of  the  University  of  Gncinnati, 
Series  II.  Vol.  II. 


FRANCE 

Her  Influence  and  c^id  in  our  Revolutionary  Struggle. 
MAX  B.  MAY. 


The  University  Bulletins  are  Issued  Monthly 


Entered  at  the  Post  Office  at  Cincinnati,  Ohio,  as  second-class  matter 


wnjvERsrnp 
PRESS 


or  before  the 


—H41 


FRANCE 

Her  Influence  and  Aid  in  our 

Revolutionary  Struggle. 


MAX  B.  MAY 
U.  of  C.  '88.         A.M.  HARVARD. 


This  essay  was  awarded  the  prize  of  one  hundred  dollars 

by  the 
OHIO  SOCIETY,    SONS  OF  THE  REVOLUTION 

in  1902. 


c^ 


The  American  Revolution  practically  ended  with  the  sur- 
render of  Cornwallis  at  Yorktown,  October  19,  1781.  "Nor 
must  impartial  history,"  says  Bancroft  [Bancroft's  "  History  of 
United  States,"  Vol.  VI.,  page  429],  "fail  to  relate  that  the 
French  provided  for  the  siege  of  Yorktown  thirty-seven  ships 
of  the  line  and  the  Americans  not  one;  that  while  the  Ameri- 
cans supplied  nine  thousand  troops,  *  *  *  the  contingent 
of  the  French  consisted  of  seven  thousand."  Fiske  [Fiske  — 
"  The  American  Revolution,"  Vol.  II.,  page  284]  uses  even 
stronger  language :  "  The  glory  of  conceiving  and  conducting 
the  movement  [i.  e.,  Yorktown  campaign]  undoubtedly  belongs 
to  Washington.  But  it  should  never  be  forgotten  not  only  that 
the  four  thousand  men  of  Rochambeau  and  the  three  thousand 
under  St.  Simon  were  necessary  for  the  successful  execution 
of  the  plans,  but  also  that  without  the  formidable  fleet  of  Grasse 
the  plan  could  not  even  have  been  made."  The  unanimous  ver- 
dict of  history  is  that  the  great  Revolutionary  struggle  begun 
in  1775  would  not  have  been  ended  in  1781  but  for  the  influence 
and  aid  of  France. 

The  Mstory  of  the  French  intervention  in  the  American 
Revolution  is  one  of  the  most  interesting  chapters  in  all  history. 
To  grasp  the.  full  significance  of  the  movement  it  is  necessary 
to  study  the  condition  of  affairs  in  Europe  and  America  at  the 
close  of  the  Seven  Years'  War,  1763.  During  the  first  half  of 
the  eighteenth  century  France  was  one  of  the  most  powerful 
of  European  States.  Her  influence  was  felt  at  every  court ;  her 
advice  eagerly  sought;  her  colonial  power  rapidly  growing. 
She  had  already  had  a  foothold  in  India,  and  her  American  pos- 
sessions, notably  Canada,  gave  great  promise  of  future  devel- 
opment. Within  thirteen  years  her  situation  had  changed  mate- 
rially; defeated  on  sea  and  land,  in  America  and  Europe,  the 
fields  of  Rossbach,  Minden,  and  the  Plains  of  Abraham  told  the 
same  dreary  tale  of  French  defeat  and  disaster. 

Finally  in  1763,  after  seven  years  of  carnage,  the  Treaty  of 
Paris  was  signed.  By  its  terms  France  surrendered  her  nascent 
Indian  Empire,  Canada,  and  her  American  possessions ;  she 
was  likewise  compelled  to  reduce  her  fortifications  at  Dunkirk 
and  submit  to  the  presence  of  an  English  Commissioner,  with- 
out whose  authority  no  paving  stone  in  the  quay  could  be 
moved.     ["  Beaumarchais  and  His  Times,"  Edwards's  transla- 

-3- 


tions  of  Lemoine,  page  259.]  The  French  statesmen  of  that 
day  and  the  historians  of  a  later  time  characterize  this  peace 
as  degrading,  shameful  and  humiliating.  Thenceforth  France's 
policy  was  directed  toward  one  object,  the  rehabilitation  of  her 
former  glory  at  the  expense  of  her  greatest  rival,  Great  Britain. 
The  leading  Minister  of  Louis  XV.  was  Choiseul,  a  states- 
man of  the  highest  attainments,  a  man  so  far-seeing  that  he 
perceived  in  England's  demand  for  Canada  the  seeds  of  her 
future  downfall.  "  I  am  astounded,"  said  he  to  the  English 
negotiator  in  1761,  "  that  the  great  Pitt  should  attach  so  much 
importance  to  the  acquisition  of  Canada,  a  territory  too  scantily 
peopled  to  even  become  dangerous  for  you,  and  one  which  in 
our  hands  would  serve  to  keep  your  colonies  in  a  state  of 
dependence,  from  which  they  will  not  fail  to  free  themselves 
the  moment  it  is  ceded  to  you,"  [Quoted  by  Guizot,  "  History 
of  France,"  Vol.  V.,  page  258.]  Choiseul  resolved  to  watch 
the  progress  of  events  and  to  neglect  no  opportunity  of  regain- 
ing the  ground  France  had  lost.  As  soon  as  discontent  caused 
by  Grenville's  stamp  act  began  to  appear  in  the  American  colo- 
nies, Choiseul  sent  agents  there  to  get  information  as  to  the 
true  state  of  feeling  in  America  for  the  purpose  of  encouraging 
any  marked  discontent  on  the  part  of  the  colonists. 

BARON    D£    KALB'S   WORK. 

In  1768  he  sent  to  America  Johann  de  Kalb,  afterward 
Baron  de  Kalb,  a  German  officer  in  the.  employ  of  the  French, 
to  learn  the  intention  of  the  inhabitants,  to  report  upon  their 
military  condition,  to  ascertain  what,  facilities  they  had  for  sup- 
plying their  military  wants,  and  to  discover  the  plans  of  the 
leaders.  [Kapp's  "Life  of  de  Kalb,"  quoted  by  Wharton; 
Introduction  to  "  Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  American  Rev- 
olution."] Nothing  came  of  Choiseul's  project,  for  he  was  dis- 
missed from  office,  and  the  discontent  of  the  colonists  had  not 
become  marked  enough  to  attract  the  attention  of  his  suc- 
cessors. [Tower,  "  Lafayette  in  American  Revolution,"  Vol.  I., 
page  64.]  Louis  XV.  died  in  May,  1774,  a  few  months  before 
the  meeting  of  the  first  Continental  Congress,  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  his  grandson,  Louis  XVI.,  a  young  and  kindly  sov- 
ereign, whose  main  ambition  was  to  restore  France  to  her 
ancient  glory.  His  Cabinet  was  composed  of  men  of  varied 
abilities.  The  chief,  Maurepas,  was  a  man  who,  although  he 
hated  England,  was  still  for  peace,  a  man  who  had  outlived  his 
usefulness ;  the  Controller  General,  Turgot,  was  recognized  as 
one  of  the  soundest  economists  of  France;  de  Sartine  and 
St.  Germain,  Secretaries  of  Navy  and  War,  were  easily  influ- 
enced by  the  ablest  man  in  the  Cabinet,  Charles  Gravier.  Comte 
de  Vergennes,  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs. 


Vergennes  was  a  trained  diplomat,  and  had  just  been 
recalled  from  the  Court  of  Sweden  to  enter  the  Cabinet  of  the 
young  king.  This  great  statesman,  through  whose  influence 
France  finally  aided  Arrjerica,  hated  Great  Britain  with  an 
intensity  now  almost  inconceivable.  To  him  England  was  the 
hereditary  and  natural  enemy  of  France,  "  an  enemy  at  once 
grasping,  ambitious,  unjust  and  perfidious,"  whose  "  invariable 
and  cherished  purpose  has  been,  if  not  the  destruction  of  France, 
at  least  her  overthrow,  her  humiliation,  and  her  ruin."  [Doniol, 
"  Le  Participation  de  la  France  a  l'establishement  des  Unis 
Etats  d'Amerique,"  Vol.  I.,  page  243.]  His  whole  effort  was 
directed  toward  restoring  France  to  her  former  position  among 
the  States  of  Europe,  and  he  believed  he  could  accomplish  this 
best  by  striking  a  telling  blow  at  England  whenever  her  colo- 
nial difficulties  should  weaken  her  sufficiently.  He  therefore 
believed  that  France  should  use  every  opportunity  possible  to 
assist  the  Americans  to  weaken  England,  even  though  this 
policy  should  lead  to  war  between  Great  Britain  and  France. 

THE   REPORT    OF    VERGENNKS. 

Shortly  after  Louis  XVI.  had  ascended  the  throne  Ver- 
gennes  submitted  a  remarkable  memoir  to  him,  setting  forth 
in  detail  the  distressing  situation  of  France.  "  The  Cabinet  of 
Versailles  has  neither  credit  nor  influence  with  any  court; 
instead  of  being,  as  she  formerly  had  been,  the  center  of 
every  great  undertaking,  she  had  now  become  merely  a  silent 
looker-on-  *  *  *  In  a  word,  France,  the  greatest  power  in 
Europe,  had  become  absolutely  inactive.  *  *  *  Such  was 
our  sad  and  humiliating  position  at  the  time  Your  Majesty  suc- 
ceeded to  the  throne.  *  *  *  We  need  but  read  the  Treaty 
of  Paris,  and  especially  the  negotiations  which  preceded  it,  to 
comprehend  the  ascendency  assumed  by  England  over  France, 
and  to  observe  how  greatly  that  arrogant  nation  enjoyed  the 
pleasure  of  having  humiliated  us.  *  *  *  I  do  not  hesitate, 
Sire,  to  declare  that  a  people  may  meet  with  reverses,  *  *  * 
but  when  these  reverses  and  this  humiliation  are  unjust,  when 
their  end  and  aim  are  to  increase  the  pride  of  an  arrogant  rival, 
such  a  people  owes  it  to  itself,  to  its  honor,  its  dignity,  and  its 
position  before  men,  to  free  itself  as  soon  as  it  is  able."  [Doniol, 
Vol.  I.,  pages  2,  3.] 

Vergennes  saw  in  the  1761  family  compact  of  France  and 
Spain  a  means  of  carrying  out  his  plan.  Meanwhile  he  saw  the 
necessity  not  only  of  obtaining  accurate  information  of  Ameri- 
can and  English  conditions,  but  likewise  of  intimating  to  the 
Americans  that  they  might  look  to  France  for  some  assistance. 
For  this  purpose  he  employed  two  important  persons  —  Bon- 
vouloir,   whom  he   sent  to  America  in   September,   1775,   and 


Beaumarchais,  one  of  the  most  remarkable  characters  in  his- 
tory, whom  he  sent  to  England.  Pierre  Augustin  Caron  de 
Beaumarchais  was  the  son  of  a  watchmaker,  and  through  a 
clever  invention  gained  notoriety  and  access  to  royal  favor. 
He  became  famous  as  the  author  of  "  Le  Mariage  de  Figaro  " 
and  "  Le  Barbier  de  Seville,"  and  had  been  employed  in  secret 
diplomatic  matters  by  Louis  XV.  and  Louis  XVI. 

At  this  time  secrecy  was  of  the  utmost  importance  to 
France.  Bonvouloir  was  therefore  to  travel  in  America  with- 
out disclosing  his  connection  with  the  French  Ministry;  his 
instructions,  too,  were  to  be  merely  verbal  and  confined  to  two 
subjects :  to  make  a  faithful  report  of  events  and  of  public 
opinion  in  America,  and  to  "  reassure  the  Americans  against 
the  fright  which  it  has  been  sought  to  stir  up  among  them  in 
regard  to  the  French.  Canada  is  the  sensitive  point  with  them ; 
let  him  give  them  to  understand  that  we  have  no  thought  of 
that  whatever.  *  *  *  We  admire  the  grandness  and  noble- 
ness of  their  efforts ;  that  we  have  no  interest  in  putting 
obstacles  in  their  way;  but  should  be  glad  to  have  them  make 
use  of  our  ports."     [Doniol,  Vol.  I.,  page  156.] 

BONVOUIyOIR'S   ASSURANCES. 

Before  Bonvouloir's  arrival  in  America,  in  December,  1775, 
the  Continental  Congress,  mainly  through  the  influence  of 
John  Adams,  had  passed  the  following  significant  resolution : 
"  Resolved,  That  a  committee  of  five  be  appointed  for  the  sole 
purpose  of  corresponding  with  our  friends  in  Great  Britain, 
Ireland,  and  other  parts  of  the  world,  and  that  they  lay  their 
correspondence  before  Congress  when  directed."  Harrison, 
Franklin,  Johnson,  Dickinson  and  Jay  were  appointed. 
["  Secret  Journals  of  Congress,"  Vol.  II.,  page  2.]  This  com- 
mittee and  Bonvouloir  had  many  conferences,  and  in  answer 
to  certain  specific  written  questions  submitted  to  him,  Bon- 
vouloir assured  the  committee  that  France  was  favorably  dis- 
posed toward  America,  but  that  the  colonists  had  better  make 
overtures  to  her ;  that  the  French  could  easily  furnish  good 
engineers,  and  that  the  Americans  could,  at  their  own  risk, 
procure  arms  and  munitions  of  war  in  France,  and  that  in  all 
probability  the  French  Government  might  close  its  eyes  to  the 
use  of  French  ports  by  American  vessels.  [Doniol,  Vol.  I., 
page  268.] 

Shortly  after  Bonvouloir's  departure  for  America,  Beau- 
marchais presented  an  address  to  his  King,  in  which  he  set  forth 
his  belief  in  the  invincibility  of  the  Americans  and  the  precarious 
situation  of  the  Ministry  of  Lord  North.  ["  Beaumarchais  and 
His  Times,"  page  262.]     Beaumarchais  on  his  return  to  London 

-6- 


met  Arthur  Lee,  who  had  succeeded  Franklin  as  the  London 
agent  of  the  colonies.  Lee  maintained  that  Beaumarchais  had 
represented  himself  as  the  Ambassador  of  France,  and  had 
promised  the  colonists  French  aid.  There  was  absolutely  no 
truth  in  this  assertion.  ["  Beaumarchais  and  His  Times," 
page  278.] 

Beaumarchais  now  began  urging  Vergennes  to  assist  the 
Americans,  intimating  that  unless  they  were  successful  Eng- 
land and  America  combined  might  seek  vengeance  on  France. 
["  Beaumarchais  and  His  Times,"  page  266.]  At  the  same 
time  Vergennes  was  using  all  his  power  to  persuade  the  King 
and  Maurepas  that  it  was  for  the  best  interests  of  France  to 
aid  the  colonies  to  throw  off  the  yoke  of  Great  Britain.  Toward 
the  close  of  the  year  1775,  the  year  of  Lexington,  Concord  and 
Bunker  Hill,  Vergennes  submitted  to  the  King  his  "  Reflex- 
ions "  [Doniol.  Vol.  I.,  page  243],  in  which  he  set  forth  in  detail 
his  views  of  the  Anglo-American  struggle.  He  saw  the  fol- 
lowing advantages  for  France  in  the  event  that  effective  aid 
was  rendered :  First,  "  the  power  of  England  will  be  reduced 
and  that  of  France  increased  in  the  same  degree ;  secondly, 
English  commerce  will  suffer  an  irreparable  loss  while  the 
French  will  be  increased ;  finally,  France  will  probably  be  able 
to  recover  part  of  her  lost  American  possessions."  "  Admit- 
ting, then,  the  interest  that  France  has  in  favoring  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  English  colonies,  it  is  necessary  to  examine 
first  what  kind  of  assistance  she  can  give  them ;  second,  wnen 
this  can  best  be  brought  to  bear;  finally,  what  is  likely  to  be 
the  result."     [Doniol,  Vol.  I.,  page  243.] 

He  then  comes  to  the  conclusion  that  the  colonists  were 
most  in  need  of  munitions  of  war,  ready  money,  and  a  good 
navy;  that  the  courage  and  perseverance  of  the  insurgents 
must  be  kept  up  by  flattering  them  with  the  hope  that  effective 
aid  will  be  given  at  the  latest  by  the  end  of  the  next  campaign ; 
and,  finally,  whether  or  not  aid  is  given,  the  situation  will  even- 
tually lead  to  war  between  England  and  France.  [Doniol, 
Vol.  I.,  page  243.] 

THE    REPORT    OF    BEAUMARCHAIS. 

During  the  winter  months  of  1775  Beaumarchais  continued 
to  memorialize  the  King  in  behalf  of  the.  Americans.  On  Feb- 
ruary 29,  1775,  he  handed  Vergennes  for  the  King  alone  his 
famous  document,  "  Peace  or  War  "  ["  Beaumarchais  and  His 
Times,"  page  267],  in  which  he  insisted  that  to  preserve  the 
West  Indies  and  peace,  "  the  Americans  must  be  assisted."  He 
advanced  four  reasons :  First,  if  England  triumphs  she  will 
seek  to   recoup   herself  by   taking  the   French   sugar  islands ; 


second,  if  the  Americans  win,  England  will  be  all  the  more 
anxious  to  take  these  islands ;  third,  if  England  permits  peace- 
able separation,  a  conquest  will  be  necessary  to  appease  the 
English  people ;  fourth,  if  a  reconciliation  takes  place,  the  colo- 
nists will  gladly  join  England  to  revenge  themselves  upon 
France  for  not  having  received  French  aid.  "  Beaumarchais 
and  His  Times,"  page  267.] 

About  this  time  Bonvouloir  reported  to  Vergennes  that  the 
Americans  had  determined  to  resist  the  English  at  any  cost. 
Thereupon  Vergennes  submitted  to  the  King  and  to  each  of 
his  colleagues  another  State  paper,  known  as  "  Considerations  " 
[Doniol,  Vol.  I.,  page  271],  in  which  he  repeated  all  the  argu- 
ments heretofore  submitted  by  him,  and  those  advanced  by 
Beaumarchais  and  others.  He  concludes  that  France  ought  to 
encourage  England  in  the  belief  that  she  will  not  interfere,  but 
that,  although  she  should  aid  the  insurgents  secretly  with  muni- 
tions of  war  and  money,  still  the  King  should  not  enter  into  a 
treaty  with  them  at  this  time.  On  April  6,  1776,  Turgot  handed 
the  King  his  answer  to  Vergennes's  "  Considerations,"  in  which 
he  forcibly  set  forth  his  opposition  to  the  policy  of  the  astute 
Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs.  His  sole  reasons  were  that  it 
would  inevitably  lead  to  war  between  England  and  France,  and 
that  France  in  her  present  financial  condition  was  unable  to  face 
such  a  crisis.      ["  Bancroft,"  Vol.  V.,  pages  226-229.] 

Sartine  and  St.  Germain  supported  Vergennes,  and  thus 
through  the  influence  of  these  and  of  Beaumarchais  the  King 
reluctantly  yielded  and  agreed  to  assist  the  Americans  secretly. 
[Bancroft,  Vol.  V.,  page  231.]  The  plan  adopted  was  simple 
enough.  A  large  commercial  house  was  to  be  organized  and 
supplied  with  money  from  the  French  treasury,  and  be  per- 
mitted to  take  munitions  of  war  from  French  arsenals;  this 
house  was  to  deal  with  the  Americans,  giving  them  easy  terms. 
Beaumarchais  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the  house,  which,  under 
the  name  of  Roderigue,  Hortalez  &  Co.,  made  its  headquarters 
at  the  famous  Hotel  de  Hollande.  [Morse's  "  Life  of  Frank- 
lin," pages  226-228.]  On  May  3,  1776,  the  King  informed  his 
uncle,  Charles  III.  of  Spain,  of  his  purpose  to  aid  the  Ameri- 
cans by  donating  one  million  livres,  and  requested  that  Spain 
give  a  like  sum.  [Bancroft,  Vol.  V.,  page  237.]  On  June  10, 
1776,  Beaumarchais  received  the  French  subsidy,  and  on 
August  11  the  Spanish  grant.  ["  Beaumarchais  and  His 
Times,"  page  275.] 

SELECTION    OF    SILAS    DEANE. 

In  America  the  Committee  of  Secret  Correspondence  at 
once  grasped  the  significance   of  Bonvouloir's  answers  to  its 


inquiries,  and  resolved  to  send  a  Commissioner  to  France  to 
solicit  aid.  Silas  Deane,  a  graduate  of  Yale  and  a  former 
member  of  Congress,  was  selected  as  the  envoy.  On  March  3, 
1776,  Deane  received  his  instructions  from  Congress.  [Sparks, 
"  Diplomatic  Correspondence,"  Vol.  L,  page  5.]  He  was  to 
seek  an  interview  with  Vergennes,  and  to  inform  him  that  he 
had  been  sent  by  Congress  to  apply  for  arms  and  ammunition ; 
that  France  had  been  selected  as  the  power  to  whom  applica- 
tion should  be  made  first,  because  in  the  event  of  a  separation 
from  England,  France  would  be  looked  upon  as  the  power 
whose  friendship  it  would  be  fittest  for  America  to  cultivate. 
He  was  to  ask  for  clothing  and  arms  for  twenty-five  thou- 
sand men,  one  hundred  field  pieces,  and  a  suitable  quantity  of 
ammunition.  Deane  arrived  at  Paris  early  in  July,  1776,  and 
through  Dr.  Dubourg,  an  old  friend  of  Franklin,  he  secured  an 
interview  with  Vergennes.  Vergennes  informed  Deane  that 
owing  to  the  friendly  relations  between  England  and  France, 
the  latter  could  not  openly  aid  the  colonies,  but  that  no  objec- 
tion would  be  made  to  shipping  warlike  stores,  and  that  Deane 
should  consider  himself  under  the  protection  of  Vergennes. 
[Sparks,  "  Diplomatic  Correspondence,"  Vol.  I.,  page  13.] 
Shortly  thereafter  Beaumarchais  made  overtures  to  Deane,  but 
owing  to  Dr.  Dubourg's  suspicions  of  Beaumarchais,  Deane 
consulted  Gerard,  the  private  secretary  of  Vergennes,  who  told 
him  that  he  might  rely  on  whatever  Beaumarchais  contracted 
to  furnish  in  the  way  of  supplies.  [Sparks,  "  Diplomatic  Cor- 
respondence," Vol.  I.,  page  13.] 

Deane  and  Beaumarchais,  after  some  correspondence, 
entered  into  an  agreement  by  which  Beaumarchais  was  to  fur- 
nish arms,  ammunition,  clothing,  etc.,  and  collect  these  at 
various  ports,  so  as  not  to  arouse  the  suspicions  of  the  English 
Ambassador,  and  Deane  was  to  furnish  vessels  for  the  ship- 
ment and  to  pay  for  supplies  by  the  consignment  of  American 
products.  But  upon  Deane's  inability  to  furnish  the  vessels, 
Beaumarchais  loaded  three  vessels  with  two  hundred  cannon, 
mortars,  shells,  twenty-five  thousand  muskets,  two  hundred 
and  ninety  thousand  pounds  of  powder,  clothing,  and  tents. 
["  Beaumarchais  and  His  Times,"  page  290.]  Deane,  however, 
was  not  satisfied  with  procuring  munitions  of  war,  but  yielding 
to  the  "  rage  for  entering  the  American  service  "  displayed  by 
many  French  officers,  he  granted  them  commissions  in  the 
American  Army,  to  the  great  annoyance  of  Congress  and 
Washington.      [Morse's  "  Franklin,"  page  238.] 

Lord  Stormont,  the  ever  watchful  British  Ambassador  at 
Paris,  protested  against  the  shipping  of  supplies  and  the  enlist- 
ment of  officers,  and  as  Vergennes  was  not  ready  at  this  time 
to  defy  Great  Britain,  orders  were  given  to  stop  Beaumarchais's 


ships.  However,  after  much  difficulty,  Beaumarchais  succeeded 
in  having  these  orders  revoked,  and  the  vessels  arrived  at  Ports- 
mouth, N.  H.,  in  time  to  furnish  supplies  for  the  campaign  that 
was  to  end  in  Burgoyne's  defeat.  ["  Beaumarchais  and  His 
Times,"  pages  290-294.] 

DECLARATION    OF    INDEPENDENCE. 

Independence  was  declared  on  July  4,  1776,  and  as  soon  as 
Deane  received  the  official  news,  he  communicated  it  to  Ver- 
gennes,  and  requested  an  acknowledgment  of  American  inde- 
pendence on  the  part  of  France.  Meanwhile  Vergennes,  learn- 
ing of  Washington's  defeat  at  Long  Island,  declined  to  join 
Spain  in  the  declaration  of  war  on  England,  and  refused  to 
acknowledge  the  independence  of  the  colonies.  [Tower, 
"  Lafayette,"  Vol.  I.,  page  155.]  He  therefore  merely  con- 
tinued his  policy  of  secret  aid.  He  said  to  Deane :  "  You  are 
known  here ;  our  ports  are  open  and  free  to  your  commerce, 
and  your  ships  are  protected  in  them.  *  *  *  Meantime  the 
United  States  can  receive  the  same  succor  and  assistance  from 
France  without  as  well  as  with  such  open  acknowledgment,  and 
perhaps  more  advantageously."  [Sparks,  "  Diplomatic  Corre- 
spondence," Vol.  L,  page  67,  et  seq.,  November  28,  1776.]  Con- 
gress, learning  of  the  favorable  disposition  of  France,  decided 
on  September  26,  1776,  to  appoint  three  Commissioners  to 
France,  and  Franklin,  Deane  and  Jefferson  were  chosen;  but 
Jefferson  declining,  Arthur  Lee  was  named  in  his  place. 
["  Secret  Journals  of  Congress,"  Vol.  II.,  pages  31-35.]  Frank- 
lin, upon  being  selected,  said  to  Dr.  Rush :  "  I  am  old  and  good 
for  nothing;  but  as  storekeepers  say  of  their  remnants  of 
cloth,  '  I  am  but  a  fag-end.  and  you  may  have  me  for  what  you 
please.'  "     [Barton's  "  Franklin,"  Vol.  II.,  page  166.] 

Franklin's  selection  was  the  best  that  could  have  been  made, 
for  he  was  well  known  in  France,  especially  among  the  intelli- 
gent class,  who  were  now  enthusiastically  taking  up  the  Ameri- 
can cause.  The  appointment  of  Arthur  Lee  was  an  egregious 
blunder,  for  he  was  the  cause  of  discord  among  the  Commis- 
sioners. Franklin  upon  his  arrival  at  Paris  wisely  decided  to 
make  his  headquarters  at  Passy,  a  suburb  of  Paris.  [Morse's 
''Franklin,"  page  232.]  The  Commissioners  had  been  instructed 
to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce  with  France,  and 
to  request  her  to  furnish,  at  the  expense  of  the  United  States, 
eight  ships  of  the  line  of  seventy-four  and  sixty-four  guns. 
"Secret  Journals  of  Congress,"  Vol.  II.,  pages  31-35.]  On 
December  28,  1776,  the  Commissioners  had  an  audience  with 
Vergennes,  who  assured  them  of  the  protection  of  the  court 
and    its    good-will.      [Sparks,    "  Diplomatic    Correspondence," 

-10- 


VoL  L,  page  250,  January  17,  1777.]  The  Commissioners 
informed  Congress  that  "  the  hearts  of  the  French  are  uni- 
versally for  us,  and  the  cry  is  strong  for  war  with  Britain." 
[Sparks,  "  Diplomatic  Correspondence,"  Vol.  I.,  page  250, 
January  17,  1777.]  As  France  was  not  ready  at  this  time  to 
take  any  steps  that  might  be  considered  a  casus  belli  by  Eng- 
land, she  refused  to  furnish  the  ships,  but  in  lieu  thereof  offered 
the  Commissioners  a  loan  of  two  million  livres  without  interest, 
to  be  repaid  when  the  United  States  was  prosperous  and  at 
peace.  [Sparks,  "  Diplomatic  Correspondence,"  Vol.  L,  page 
250,  January  17,  1777.]  Secret  aid  she  did  give,  and  was  will- 
ing to  continue.  The  Commissioners  wrote  to  Congress  "  to 
make  us  easy,  however,  we  were  told  that  the  ports  of  France 
were  open  to  our  ships  as  friends,  and  that  our  people  might 
freely  purchase  and  export  as  merchandise  whatever  our  States 
had  occasion  for."  [Sparks,  "  Diplomatic  Correspondence," 
Vol.  I.,  page  271,  January  17,  T777-] 

While  Franklin  was  busily  engaged  with  Vergennes, 
endeavoring  to  persuade  him  to  form  an  alliance,  Deane  con- 
tinued to  conduct  the  affairs  with  Beaumarchais  and  Roderigue, 
Hortalez  &  Co.,  and  during  March,  1777,  ten  ships  of  Beau- 
marchais were  on  the  way  to  America.  Meanwhile  the  Ameri- 
can privateers  under  the  protection  of  France  were  playing 
havoc  with  English  commerce,  and  at  this  time  Wickes,  Conyng- 
ham,  and  later  the  famous  Paul  Jones,  were  terrifying  Britons 
at  home.  It  was  stated  in  the  House  of  Lords  that  between 
May,  1776,  and  January,  1778,  seven  hundred  and  thirty-nine 
British  vessels  had  been  captured  by  American  privateers. 
[Wharton's  ''  Diplomatic  Correspondence,"  Vol.  II.,  page  168. 
Note :  Mahan's  "  Influence  of  Sea  Power  in  History  "  puts  the 
number  at  one  thousand.]  France,  in  order  to  humor  Lord 
Stormont,  frequently  interfered  with  the  free  use  of  her  ports 
for  American  purposes,  but  the  Commissioners,  understanding 
the  diplomatic  necessity  of  such  action,  were  not  at  all  discour- 
aged at  such  orders,  but  continued  to  press  for  a  definite  and 
favorable  reply  to  their  offer  for  a  treaty.  [Sparks,  "Diplo- 
matic Correspondence,"  Vol.  I.,  page  295,  May  25,  1777.] 

THE   TIME   TO    STRIKE. 

Toward  the  end  of  July,  1777,  France  thought  herself  strong 
enough  to  declare  to  Spain  the  definite  time  at  which  she 
intended  to  strike  a  blow  at  England ;  accordingly  Vergennes 
informed  the  King  of  Spain  that  the  time  had  come  either  to 
help  the  LTnited  States  effectively,  or  to  abandon  them  alto- 
gether, and  the  months  of  January  and  February,  1778,  were 
fixed  upon  as  the  time  when  France  and  Spain  must  engage 

-11- 


in  war  or  regret  a  neglected  opportunity.  ["  Bancroft,"  Vol. 
V.,  page  538.]  France  undoubtedly  hoped  to  persuade  Spain 
to  join  her  in  this  enterprise,  and  during  the  remainder  of  the 
year  continued  her  efforts  to  induce  Charles  III.  to  make  an 
open  declaration.  However,  France  needed  only  the  encour- 
agement of  a  decisive  and  brilliant  American  victory  to  act 
alone. 

And  because  Burgoyne's  "  Capitulation  to  Mr.  Gates,''  as 
the  English  were  pleased  to  speak  of  Burgoyne's  surrender  at 
Saratoga,  October  17,  1777,  induced  France  to  enter  into  the 
treaties  of  amity  and  commerce  and  of  alliance,  this  battle  is 
characterized  as  one  of  the  decisive  battles  of  the  world's  his- 
tory. [Creasy,  "  Fifteen  Decisive  Battles  in  World's  History," 
Chapter  XIII.,  page  240.]  No  more  dramatic  scene  can  be 
imagined  than  that  which  took  place  on  the  evening  of  Decem- 
ber 4,  1777,  when  Jonathan  Austin's  chaise  rapidly  drove  into 
the  courtyard  at  Passy  and  rudely  interrupted  Dr.  Franklin's 
dinner  party.  The  guests,  among  whom  was  Beaumarchais, 
rushed  out.  "  Sir,"  exclaimed  Franklin,  "  is  Philadelphia 
taken?"  "Yes,  sir,"  replied  Austin,  and  Franklin  clasped  his 
hands  and  turned  to  re-enter  the  house.  Austin  cried:  "I 
have  better  and  greater  news ;  General  Burgoyne  and  his 
whole  army  are  prisoners  of  war."  Beaumarchais  set  out  with 
all  speed  to  notify  Vergennes.  and  he  drove  with  such  haste 
that  his  coach  upset  and  he  dislocated  his  arm.  [Morse's 
"  Franklin,"  page  267.] 

Within  a  day  or  two  Gerard,  Vergennes's  secretary,  offered 
the  Commissioners  the  congratulations  of  the  Ministry,  and  on 
December  16  he  informed  them  that  the  King,  "  after  a  long 
and  full  consideration  of  our  affairs,  was  determined  to  acknowl- 
edge our  independence  and  make  a  treaty  with  us  of  amity  and 
commerce.  *  *  *  That  His  Majesty  was  fixed  in  his  deter- 
mination not  only  to  acknowledge,  but  to  support  our  inde- 
pendence. *  *  *  That  in  doing  this  he  might  probably  soon 
be  engaged  in  war.  *  *  *  Yet  he  should  not  expect  any 
compensation  from  us  on  that  account,  nor  pretend  that  he 
acted  wholly  for  our  sakes ;  since  besides  his  real  good-will 
toward  us  and  our  cause,  it  was  manifestly  the  interest  of  France 
that  the  power  of  England  should  be  diminished  by  our  separa- 
tion from  it.  *  *  *  That  as  soon  as  a  courier  returned  from 
Spain  the  affair  would  be  concluded."  [Sparks,  "  Diplomatic 
Correspondence,"  Vol.  I.,  pages  356,  357.] 

THE   TREATIES    SIGNED. 

Vergennes,  however,  did  not  wait  for  Spain's  answer,  which 
turned  out  to  be  unfavorable,  and  on  February  6,  1778,  the 
treaties  of  amity  and  commerce  and  of  alliance  were  signed. 

-12- 


The  former  acknowledged  the  independence  of  America,  the 
latter  provided  that  in  the  event  of  war  between  France  and 
England.  France  and  the  United  States  should  become  allies 
against  England,  the  main  purpose  of  the  alliance  being  "  to 
maintain  effectually  the  liberty,  sovereignty,  and  independence 
absolute  and  unlimited  of  the  said  United  States  in  matters 
governmental  as  well  as  of  commerce,"  and  neither  party  should 
conclude  a  peace  with  Great  Britain  without  formal  consent 
of  the  other ;  and  both  parties  mutually  engaged  not  to  lay  down 
their  arms  until  the  independence  of  the  United  States  should 
have  been  formally  assured  by  treaties  ending  the  war.  The 
treaty  also  contained  a  secret  article  whereby  Spain  could  join 
in  the  alliance  upon  the  same  conditions  as  France.  ["  Secret 
Journals  of  Congress,"  Vol.  IT.,  page  485.] 

With  the  execution  of  these  important  treaties  the  first 
period  of  France's  influence  and  aid  in  the  American  Revolu- 
tion ends.  While  the  military  and  financial  aid  of  the  following 
years  was  indispensable  to  complete  success,  still  an  impartial 
review  of  the  history  of  the  years  1 775-1778  justifies  Mr.  Lecky's 
observations :  "  The  assistance  of  France,  however,  was  never 
more  valuable  than  in  the  first  period  of  the  war,  while  she  was 
still  at  peace  with  England.  American  vessels  were  admitted 
by  the  connivance  of  the  Ministry  into  French  ports.  *  *  * 
Privateers  were  sheltered  and  equipped,  prizes  were  secretly 
sold  in  the  harbors.  Experienced  officers  were  sent  to  America 
with  the  permission,  or  even  at  the  instigation,  of  the  French 
Ministers,  to  organize  or  command  the  American  forces.  Sea 
officers  superintended  the  construction  of  ships  for  use  of 
America."  [Lecky,  "  England  in  Eighteenth  Century,"  Vol. 
IV.,  page  47.] 

The  Rubicon  had  been  crossed,  and  it  now  became  neces- 
sary for  France  to  aid  the  Americans  more  effectively.  From 
the  outset  the  Commissioners  had  pleaded  for  naval  aid,  and 
Congress  and  Washington  firmly  believed  if  the  French  would 
maintain  a  naval  superiority  in  American  waters,  the  British 
land  forces  could  be  conquered.  Accordingly  a  fleet  of  twelve 
ships  of  the  line  and  fourteen  frigates  and  a  thousand  men, 
under  the  command  of  Admiral  D'Estaing,  sailed  from  Tou- 
lon April  13,  1778.  [Tower,  "  Lafayette,"  Vol.  I.,  page  339.] 
D'Estaing  was  instructed  to  anchor  in  the  Delaware  River;  he 
had  authority  to  attack  the  enemy  anywhere,  and  was  to  act 
either  alone  or  in  concert  with  the  United  States,  as  he  deemed 
best.  If  the  British  naval  force  was  superior,  or  his  fleet  was 
disabled,  he  was  to  go  to  Boston.  [Tower,  "  Lafayette,"  Vol.  L, 
page  399.] 

After  a  long  and  dangerous  voyage  he  reached  the  Dela- 
ware July  8,  1778,  and  found,  much  to  his  regret,  that  Howe 

-13- 


had  just  left  for  New  York.  ["  Bancroft,"  Vol.  VI.,  page  149.] 
After  setting  ashore  Gerard,  who  came  as  France's  accredited 
Minister  to  the  United  States,  [Tower,  "  Lafayette,"  Vol.  L, 
page  404,]  D'Estaing  put  to  sea,  and  while  cruising  off  Sandy 
Hook  he  received  a  letter  from  Washington  requesting  that 
he  co-operate  with  him  against  New  York.  Unfortunately,  the 
pilots  reported  that  the  French  vessels  were  too  large  to  cross 
safely  the  bar  of  the  harbor,  and  thus,  to  the  great  disappoint- 
ment of  Americans  and  French,  this  project  had  to  be  aban- 
doned. Washington  then  proposed  that  D'Estaing  attack  New- 
port, which  was  garrisoned  by  a  British  force  of  six  thousand 
men  under  Major  General  Pigott.  General  Sullivan,  with  whom 
were  to  co-operate  Generals  Lafayette  and  Greene,  was  ordered 
to  raise  a  large  force  of  militia  to  operate  with  D'Estaing. 

D'ESTAING   AND    SULLIVAN. 

The  result  of  this  Rhode  Island  expedition  under  General 
Sullivan  and  Admiral  D'Estaing  was  most  unfortunate.  It  was 
a  dismal  failure.  Sullivan  refused  to  allow  D'Estaing  to  begin 
until  the  militia  had  been  raised,  and  when  finally  action  was 
decided  upon,  Sullivan  did  not  act  in  accordance  with  the  plan 
of  campaign.  An  unexpected  hurricane  prevented  a  naval  battle 
between  D'Estaing  and  Howe,  who  had  just  arrived  from  New 
York.  Much  bad  feeling  was  engendered  between  the  Ameri- 
cans and  French  when  D'Estaing  sailed  for  Boston  to  repair 
the  damage  caused  by  the  storm.  Protests  signed  by  Sul- 
livan and  others  were  sent  him ;  fortunately  Washington  and 
Lafayette  were  able  to  restore  good  feeling,  [Dawson's  "  Battles 
of  the  United  States,"  Vol.  I.,  Chapter  XXXIX.,  page  432,] 
and  a  few  months  later  Congress  declared  that  D'Estaing  had 
acted  as  a  wise  and  brave  officer,  and  that  it  "  entertained  the 
highest  sense  of  his  zeal  and  attachment."  ["  Journals  of  Con- 
gress," Vol.  III.,  page  93.] 

He  proved  this  the  following  year,  when  he  took  part  in 
the  attack  on  Savannah,  during  which  he  was  severely  wounded, 
[Bancroft,  Vol.  VI.,  pages  259-261,]  and  upon  his  return  to 
France  the  following  year,  when  he  urged  that  reinforcements 
be  sent  to  America.  Notwithstanding  D'Estaing's  bravery  and 
willingness,  the  first  active  effort  of  France  in  behalf  of  America 
was  a  complete  failure,  and  the  colonists  were  greatly  discour- 
aged. During  the  winter  of  1778-9  and  the  following  spring 
the  American  situation  was  critical  indeed.  The  credit  of  Con- 
gress was  gone,  its  armies  were  reduced  to  small  bodies  of 
troops,  half  starved  and  badly  clothed.  The  French  fleet  in 
American  waters  was  inactive ;  in  Europe,  too,  the  French 
accomplished   nothing.     If  France  was  to   gain  her   object,   it 

-14- 


seemed  essential  that  she  should  receive  the  assistance  of  Spain. 
[Wharton's  "  Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  Revolution,"  Vol. 
I.,  pages  360-361.] 

The  French  were  severely  criticised  for  the  lack  of  effective 
support  given  the  Americans  during  the  year  following  the 
D'Estaing  expedition.  An  examination  of  the  French  situation 
in  the  years  1778-9  will  show  that  France's  conduct  was  jus- 
tified. When  France  entered  into  the  American  alliance  she 
had  good  reason  to  believe  that  England  would  not  declare  war 
on  her,  or,  if  she  did,  that  Great  Britain  would  be  worsted. 
But  within  a  short  time  the  situation  greatly  altered,  and  much 
to  the  disadvantage  of  France.  The  British  army  in  America 
was  reinforced,  the  Americans  met  with  reverses,  and  a  recon- 
ciliation between  England  and  her  colonies  seemed  probable. 
It  was  therefore  necessary  for  France  to  obtain  an  alliance  with 
Spain  before  taking  more  active  measures  in  behalf  of  America. 
[Pellew's  "Jay,"  Chapter  VI.,  pages  120-143.] 

This  was  not  accomplished  until  April  12,  1779,  when  the 
Treaty  of  Aranjuez  was  signed,  by  the  terms  of  which  France 
and  Spain  made  common  cause  against  England,  and  agreed 
not  to  lay  down  arms  until  Gibraltar  had  been  restored  to 
Spain.  Spain,  which  during  the  Ministry  of  Grimaldi  had  been 
willing  to  join  France  against  England,  refused  to  listen  to  Ver- 
gennes  after  FJoridablanca  had  succeeded  Grimaldi.  France, 
to  gain  Spain's  good  will,  endeavored  to  influence  Congress  to 
yield  all  claims  (which  had  theretofore  been  insisted  upon  by 
Congress)  to  the  fisheries  and  free  navigation  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, and  to  make  the  independence  of  America  the  sole  con- 
dition of  peace.  Gerard  and  his  successor,  Luzerne,  owing  to 
the  financial  and  military  straits  in  which  America  found  her- 
self, were  able  to  carry  out  this  policy.  Notwithstanding  all 
the  concessions  made  at  the  behest  of  France,  Spain  refused 
to  receive  Jay,  the  Ambassador  of  Republican  America,  or  to 
aid  his  country  financially.  [Wharton's  "  Diplomatic  Corre- 
spondence of  Revolution,"  Vol.  I.,  pages  429,  430;  Pellew's 
"Jay,"  page  121.] 

franco  vs.  England. 

The  French  alliance  led  to  war  between  England  and 
France.  Lafayette,  who,  against  the 'wishes  of  his  family  and 
the  French  court,  had  accepted  a  commission  as  Major  Gen- 
eral in  the  Continental  Army,  and  who  had  served  with  dis- 
tinction under  Washington,  now  returned  to  France  to  agitate 
in  behalf  of  America.  He  carried  with  him  the  best  wishes  of 
the  American  people,  and  owing  to  his  high  position  at  court, 
he   was   able  to   influence   the   Ministry   in   favor  of  America. 

-15- 


Although  the  D'Estaing  expedition  had  been  a  failure,  Lafayette 
believed  that  France  should  assist  the  colonies  with  a  fleet  and 
with  an  auxiliary  force.  These  troops  should  be  placed  under 
the  command  of  a  General  who  could  not  only  co-operate  with 
Washington,  but,  if  necessary,  be  subordinate  to  him.  The 
French-Spanish  project  of  attacking  England  in  the  spring  and 
summer  of  1779  prevented  either  naval  or  military  aid  from 
France. 

However,  after  the  failure  of  that  expedition,  Vergennes 
again  resolved  to  assist  the  Americans  with  fleet  and  army.  In 
March,  1780,  Lafayette  returned  to  America  bearing  the  joyful 
tidings  of  substantial  aid  —  naval,  military  and  financial.  He 
was  to  inform  the  United  States  that  "  the  King,  as  a  new 
proof  of  his  affection  and  of  his  interest  in  their  welfare,  had 
decided  to  send  out  to  them  early  in  the  spring  a  reinforce- 
ment of  six  ships  of  the  line  and  six  thousand  men  of  regular 
infantry."  [Tower,  "  Lafayette,"  Vol.  II.,  page  95.]  In  May, 
1780,  about  fifty-five  hundred  men  under  Comte  de  Rocham- 
beau,  who  was  ably  assisted  by  such  well-known  and  tried  Major 
Generals  as  Baron  and  Count  de  Viomenil  and  Chevalier  de 
Chastellux,  sailed  in  a  fleet  in  charge  of  Admiral  de  Ternay. 
[Baldh,  "  The  French  in  America,"  Vol.  L,  page  140.]  As 
there  were  not  sufficient  transports  at  Brest,  part  of  the  French 
troops  were  left  behind :  later,  owing  to  the  British  blockade 
of  Brest,  these  were  unable  to  join  Rochambeau.  [Stone,  "  Our 
French  Allies,"  page  215.] 

This  second  French  expedition  arrived  at  Newport  July  10, 
1780,  and  Rochambeau  wrote  to  Washington:  "We  are  now 
at  your  command.  *  *  *  It  is  hardly  necessary  for  me  to 
tell  your  Excellency  that  I  bring  sufficient  cash  for  whatever 
is  needed  by  the  King's  army."  [Tower,  "  Lafayette,"  Vol.  II., 
pages  128,  129.]  Welcome  words  indeed.  Washington  now 
hoped  that  his  favorite  project  of  attacking  Clinton  at  New 
York  could  be  carried  out.  Unfortunately,  however,  the  Brit- 
ish Admiral  Graves  now  joined  Admiral  Arbuthnot  at  New 
York  with  six  ships  of  the  line,  thus  giving  the  British  again 
the  naval  superiority  and  enabling  them  to  blockade  the  French 
fleet  at  Newport.       [Tower,   "  Lafayette,"  Vol.   I.,  page   162.] 

ROCHAMBEAU'S    MISSION. 

On  September  20,  1780,  Washington,  Rochambeau  and 
de  Ternay  held  a  conference  at  Hartford.  This  conference 
decided  that  "  the  situation  of  America  makes  it  absolutely 
necessary  that  the  allies  should  give  it  their  vigorous  support, 
and  that  His  Most  Christian  Majesty  should  add  to  many  other 
proofs  of  his  generous  interest  that  of  assisting  the  United 
States  of  America  by  sending  them  more  ships,  more  men,  and 

-16- 


more  money."  [Balch,  "The  French  in  America,"  Vol.  I., 
pages  99-113.]  Vicomte  de  Rochambeau,  son  of  the  French 
commander,  was  sent  to  France  with  this  urgent  request.  Ver- 
gennes,  however,  was  not  ready  to  give  the  Americans  addi- 
tional aid,  for  the  economic  condition  of  France  did  not  permit 
an  increased  expenditure  of  money  or  the  sending  of  more  ships 
or  men.  Congress,  as  well  as  Washington  and  Rochambeau, 
saw  the  extreme  crisis  that  America  was  facing,  and  on  Novem- 
ber 29,  1780,  instructed  Franklin  to  notify  the  Court  of  France 
that  America  meant  to  adhere,  to  the  alliance;  that  the  disasters 
at  Charleston,  Camden  and  other  Southern  points  only  spurred 
her  on  to  increased  efforts ;  that  if  France  would  assume  a 
naval  superiority  in  American  seas  and  furnish  arms,  ammuni- 
tion, clothing  and  money,  the  war  would  speedily  end  in  glory. 
["  Secret  Journals  of  Congress/'  Vol.  II.,  pages  357-367.] 

On  December  11,  1780,  Colonel  John  Laurens,  of  Wash- 
ington's staff,  was  sent  as  a  special  envoy  to  France  to  urge 
the  granting  of  additional  aid.  [Sparks,  "  Diplomatic  Corre- 
spondence," Vol.  III.,  page  185;  "Secret  Journals  of  Con- 
gress," Vol.  II.,  page  35.]  Late  in  December  Congress  notified 
Franklin  of  Laurens's  mission  and  his  instructions  to  request 
a  loan  of  twenty-five  million  livres.  [Balch,  "  The  French  in 
America,"  Vol.  I.,  page  140.]  Although  Vergennes  recognized 
the  critical  condition  of  the  Americans,  he  did  not  see  his  way 
clear  to  grant  the  appeals  of  Washington  and  Rochambeau ; 
he  merely  sent  one  million  five  hundred  thousand  livres  for  the 
expenses  of  the  French  troops.  [Sparks,  "  Diplomatic  Cor- 
respondence," Vol.  III.,  pages  176,  177;  "Secret  Journals  of 
Congress,"  Vol  II.,  page  348.] 

Late  in  January  he  received  letters  from  Luzerne  and 
Lafayette  advising  him  of  the  great  distress  of  the  country. 
About  the  middle  of  February  Franklin,  in  pursuance  of  his 
instructions,  urged  Vergennes  to  grant  more  ships  and  money. 
The  language  of  the  venerable  diplomat  is  pathetic  as  well  as 
forceful :  "  I  am  grown  old,  *  *  *  and  it  is  probable  I 
shall  not  long  have  any  more  concern  in  these  affairs.  I  there- 
fore take  this  occasion  to  express  to  your  Excellency  that  the 
present  conjuncture  is  critical;  that  there  is  some  danger  lest 
the  Congress  lose  its  influence  over  the  people  if  it  is  found 
unable  to  procure  the  aids  that  are  wanted,  and  that  the  whole 
system  of  the  new  government  in  America  may  thereby  be 
shaken.  That  if  the  English  are  suffered  once  to  recover  that 
country,  such  an  opportunity  of  effectual  separation  as  the 
present  may  not  occur  again  in  the  course  of  ages."  [Sparks, 
"  Diplomatic  Correspondence,"  Vol.  III.,  page  186.]  These 
several  appeals  and  the  fact  that  France  and  Spain  had  agreed 
upon  the  future  conduct  of  their  war  against  England,  induced 

-17- 


Vergennes  to  take  effective  steps  for  the  immediate  relief  of 
America. 

On  March  13,  1781,  Franklin  reported  to  Congress  that 
the  King,  on  account  of  the  exigency  of  his  own  affairs,  can 
not  grant  the  loan  of  twenty-five  million  livres,  but  as  "  a  signal 
proof  of  his  friendship  His  Majesty  had  resolved  to  grant  them 
the  sum  of  six  million  livres,  not  as  a  loan,  but  as  a  free  gift." 
[Sparks,  "  Diplomatic  Correspondence,"  Vol.  III.,  page  192.] 
Besides  money  aid,  Luzerne  was  informed  that,  although  no 
troops  could  be  spared,  Admiral  de  Grasse  would  shortly  leave 
Brest  for  the  West  Indies,  and  would  be  in  American  waters 
some  time  during  the  latter  part  of  the  summer  to  co-operate 
with  Washington  and  Rochambeau.  [Tower,  "  Lafayette," 
Vol.  II.,  pages  2y6-27g.]  This  had  been  determined  before  the 
arrival  of  Colonel  Laurens ;  he,  however,  induced  the  King  to 
guarantee  a  loan  of  ten  million  livres  by  Holland.  [Tower, 
"  Lafayette,"  Vol.  II.,  pages  276-279.] 

F£ARS    OF   WASHINGTON. 

The  decision  of  the  court  of  Versailles  in  March,  1781,  to 
furnish  ships  and  money  reached  America  in  May,  1781,  and 
buoyed  up  the  hopes  of  Washington,  which  in  April  had  fallen 
so  low  that  he  was  constrained  to  write  Laurens :  "  If  France 
delays  a  timely  and  powerful  aid  in  the  critical  position  of 
affairs,  it  will  avail  us  nothing  should  she  attempt  it  hereafter. 
*  *  *  But  why  need  I  run  into  detail  when  it  may  be 
declared  in  a  word,  that  we  are  at  the  end  of  our  tether,  and 
that  now  or  never  deliverance  must  come."  [Sparks's  "  Writ- 
ings of  Washington,"  Vol.  VIII.,  page  7.]  As  soon  as  Rocham- 
beau received  official  information  of  France's  intention  to  grant 
naval  but  not  land  reinforcements,  he  arranged  a  conference 
with  Washington  at  Wethersfield,  Conn.  Here  he  yielded  to 
Washington's  suggestions  to  attack  New  York. 

It  was,  however,  decided  that  the  American  and  French 
armies  should  assemble  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Hudson, 
threaten  New  York,  and  hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  await 
the  arrival  of  de  Grasse  from  the  West  Indies,  to  whom  a  frigate 
should  be  sent,  advising  him  to  proceed  to  Chesapeake  Bay 
or  New  York.  [Balch,  "The  French  in  America,"  page  145.] 
Meanwhile  Lafayette,  [the  statements  regarding  the  Yorktown 
campaign  are  based  on  Tower,  "  Lafayette,"  Vol.  II. ,  Chapters 
XXVI.-XXVIIL;  "Bancroft,"  Vol.  VI.,  Chapter  LIV.,  page 
40;  Fiske,  "American  Revolution,"  Vol.  II.,  Chapter  XIV., 
page  244;  Dawson,  "Battles  of  the  United  States,"  Chapter 
XCIX.,  page  733;  Balch,  "French  in  America,"  pages  164- 
211;  Stone,  "Our  French  Allies,"  page  416,  etc.,]  who  had 
borrowed  a  large  sum  of  money  from  Baltimore  merchants  to 

-18- 


equip  his  troops,  marched  into  Virginia  to  oppose  Arnold.  The 
progress  of  the  war  in  the  South  at  the  same  time  became  more 
favorable  for  the  Americans.  Greene,  who  had  supplanted 
Gates  after  the  latter's  disaster  at  Camden,  was  holding  Corn- 
wallis  in  check.  The  British  General  now  left  the  Carolinas 
and  marched  into  Virginia.     Here  Lafayette  held  him. 

On  August  14,  1 781,  Rochambeau  received  a  reply  from 
de  Grasse  stating  the  Admiral  would  be  in  American  waters 
shortly,  but  that  he  could  not  remain  longer  than  October  15, 
and  that  he  would  bring  with  him  three  thousand  troops  under 
St,  Simon.  Washington  now  decided  to  move  the  allied  forces 
to  Virginia,  and,  fortunately  for  the  Americans,  Clinton,  learn- 
ing of  the  previous  plan  to  attack  New  York,  ordered  Corn- 
wallis to  send  north  a  considerable  part  of  his  force.  Wash- 
ington directed  Lafayette  to  prevent  Cornwallis  from  retreating 
into  the  Carolinas,  and  Cornwallis,  in  accordance  with  the  orders 
of  Clinton,  established  his  army  at  Yorktown.  It  was  now 
Lafayette's  purpose  to  hold  him  there,  but  in  order  to  do  so  it 
was  necessary  to  have  the  assistance  of  the  fleet.  To  this  end 
he  sent  dispatches  to  Cape  Henry,  where  de  Grasse  was  expected 
to  touch,  urging  him  to  come  up  Chesapeake  Bay  as  soon  as 
possible,  to  clear  the  James  River,  and  blockade  the  York. 
This  word  was  received  by  de  Grasse,  who  arrived  with  his 
fleet  of  twenty-eight  ships  of  the  line  in  Chesapeake  Bay  on 
August  30,  1 78 1. 

The  three  thousand  troops  of  St.  Simon  were  landed,  and 
were  soon  joined  by  the  American  troops  under  Lafayette  and 
Wayne.  Washington  and  Rochambeau,  with  his  four  thousand 
French,  were  moving  south  to  join  Lafayette.  If  Cornwallis 
could  be  held  at  Yorktown,  and  if  relief  from  New  York  could 
be  kept  from  him,  a  great  victory  could  be  won.  As  de  Grasse 
was  anxious  to  return  to  the  West  Indies,  he  urged  Lafayette 
to  attack  Cornwallis  without  waiting  for  Washington  and 
Rochambeau,  but  the  Marquis  would  not  consent.  On  Sep- 
tember 5,  1781,  de  Grasse  engaged  the  British  fleet  of  Graves 
outside  of  the  capes  of  the  bay.  While  neither  fleet  was  vic- 
torious, the  British  was  disabled  to  such  an  extent  that  Graves 
would  not  risk  another  engagement,  and  permitted  himself  to 
be  driven  toward  New  York.  De  Grasse,  compelled  to  guard 
Chesapeake  Bay,  could  not  follow  him  far,  so  on  September  10, 
1781,  he  returned  to  the  bay,  where  he  rejoiced  to  find  de  Barras, 
the  successor  of  de  Ternay,  who,  having  eluded  Graves,  had 
safely  entered  the  bay  with  the  Newport  squadron. 

REASSURING   DE    GRASSE- 

A  few  weeks  later  Washington  and  Rochambeau  arrived 
and  informed  de  Grasse  of  the  arrival  of  British  Rear  Admiral 

-19- 


Digby  with  reinforcements  for  Graves.  This  news  so  discon- 
certed de  Grasse  that  he  wished  to  put  to  sea,  and  only  after 
urgent  appeals  from  Washington  and  Lafayette  and  a  council 
of  war  held  by  his  officers,  did  he  consent  to  remain  and  co-op- 
erate with  the  army.  Upon  receiving  his  decision  Washington 
wrote  him:  "A  great  mind  knows  how  to  make  personal  sac- 
rifices to  secure  an  important  general  good."  [Sparks,  "  Wash- 
ington," Vol.  VIII.,  page  167.]  September  27,  1781,  fifteen 
days  after  the  arrival  of  the  allied  forces,  successful  assaults 
were  made  upon  the  enemy's  redoubts,  and  on  October  17 
Cornwallis.  after  having  made  unsuccessful  efforts  to  relieve 
his  position  and  to  escape  by  water,  proposed  a  cessation  of 
hostilities  and  the  appointment  of  Commissioners  to  settle  terms 
of  surrender,  and  on  October  19,  in  pursuance  of  articles  of 
capitulation,  drawn  by  Vicomte  de  Noailles  and  Colonel  Lau- 
rens, representing  the  allies,  and  Colonel  Dundas  and  Major 
Ross,  representing  the  British,  Lord  Cornwallis  surrendered, 
the  English  marching  out  to  the  tune,  "  The  World's  Turned 
Upside  Down." 

Well  might  Lafayette  write  to  Maurepas :  "  The  play  is 
over,  Monsieur  le  Comte;  the  fifth  act  has  just  come  to  an 
end."  [Tower,  "  Lafayette,"  Vol.  II.,  page  455.]  At  mid- 
night on  October  23,  1781,  Philadelphia  was  startled  by  the  cry, 
"  Cornwallis  is  taken."  And  on  October  24,  on  motion  of  Mr. 
Randolph,  it  was  resolved  "  That  Congress  at  2  o'clock  this 
day  go  in  procession  to  the  Dutch  Lutheran  Church  and  return 
thanks  to  Almighty  God  for  crowning  the  allied  arms  of  the 
United  States  and  France  with  success  by  the  surrender  of  the 
whole  British  army  under  the  command  of  the  Earl  of  Corn- 
wallis." ["Journals  of  Congress,"  Vol.  III.,  pages  679-682.] 
On  October  28,  1781,  Congress  resolved  to  commemorate  the 
great  victory  at  Yorktown  by  a  marble  column  adorned  with 
the  emblems  of  France  and  the  United  States,  and  inscribed 
with  the  succinct  history  of  the  siege.  [The  corner  stone  of 
this  monument  was  not  laid  until  October  17,  1881.  On  that 
occasion  the  President  of  the  United  States  (Arthur)  and  the 
French  Ambassador  delivered  addresses ;  Stone,  "  Our  French 
Allies,"  page  537.] 

The  influence  and  aid  of  France  was  not  merely  naval  and 
military;  without  her  great  and  valuable  financial  aid  in  the 
early  years  it  would  have  been  utterly  impossible  to  have  carried 
on  the  Revolutionary  struggle,  and  toward  the  end  of  the  war 
the  credit  advanced,  by  France  alone  enabled  America  to  sus- 
tain her  great  burden.  At  the  opening  of  the  war  there  were 
twelve  millions  in  specie  in  the  entire  country.  [Bolles, 
"  Financial  History  of  the  United  States,"  1774-1789,  page  8.] 
As  this  would  soon  be  exhausted,  it  became  apparent  that  for- 

-20- 


eign  loans  must  be  made.  Congress  endeavored  to  borrow 
from  individuals,  but  this  attempt  was  unsuccessful,  because  the 
new  colonies  had  no  credit ;  and  besides  England,  France,  Spain 
and  Russia  were  likewise  borrowing,  and  were  able  to  offer 
much  more  satisfactory  terms  to  the  money-lenders.  [Bolles, 
"Financial  History  of  United  States,"  1774-1789,  page  231.] 
It  therefore  became  necessary  to  obtain  financial  aid  directly 
or  indirectly  from  some  foreign  government,  and  naturally 
France  became  America's  financial  as  well  as  military  sup- 
porter. In  the  days  of  Roderigue,  Hortalez  &  Co.,  the  United 
States  received,  either  in  cash  or  its  equivalent,  one  million  livres 
from  France  and  a  like  sum  from  Spain,  These  sums  were  paid 
to  Beaumarchais  for  the  use  of  America.  After  Franklin's 
arrival  in  Paris  in  December,  1776,  he  succeeded  in  obtaining 
loans  from  the  government  direct.  In  1777  he  obtained  two 
million  livres;  in  1780,  four  million;  1781,  four  million;  1782, 
six  million,  and  1783,  six  million.  In  addition  to  these  twenty- 
eight  millions,  which  include  the  two  millions  paid  Beaumar- 
chais by  France  and  Spain,  the  King  of  France  granted  to  the 
Americans  a  gift  of  six  millions  in  1781,  and  guaranteed  a  loan 
of  ten  millions  by  Holland;  thus  France  was  instrumental  in 
securing  for  the  United  States  the  enormous  sum  of  forty-four 
million  livres.  [Bolles,  "  Financial  History,"  Chapter  XVII., 
pages  229-245 ;  Wharton,  "  Diplomatic  Correspondence  of 
Revolution,"  Vol.  V.,  page  443.] 

LORD   NORTH'S   EXCLAMATION. 

If  the  decisive  victory  of  Yorktown  could  not  have  been 
won  without  the  aid  of  French  arms  on  <  land  and  sea,  cer- 
tainly without  French  financial  aid  the  American  armies  could 
not  have  been  kept  in  the  field  during  the  trying  years  pre- 
ceding that  great  campaign.  Without  the  material  assistance 
of  France  in  arms  and  ammunition,  taken  as  it  were  from 
French  arsenals  by  French  connivance,  the  Revolution  would 
not  have  ended  at  Yorktown.  When  Lord  North  heard  the 
news  of  the  surrender  of  Cornwallis,  he  exclaimed :  "  It's  all 
over  now."  ["  Bancroft,"  Vol.  VI.,  page  430.]  Yorktown 
was  the  last  great  battle  of  the  Revolution.  George  the  Third, 
much  against  his  will,  was  compelled  to  open  negotiations 
with  the  Americans,  and  these  negotiations  continued  for  a 
period  of  nearly  two  years.  [The  part  that  France  played  in 
these  negotiations  has  been  the  subject  of  much  controversy. 
The  several  biographers  of  Jay  believed  that  Vergennes 
wished  to  prevent  America  from  gaining  her  complete  inde- 
pendence. Wharton,  on  the  other  hand,  believed  the  contrary. 
The  limits  of  this  paper  prevent  the  writer  from  discussing  this 

-21- 


interesting  question,  and  the  reader  is  referred  to  Winsor's 
"  Critical  and  Narrative  History  of  United  States,"  Vol.  VII.; 
Pellew's  "Life  of  Jay,",  Morse's  "Franklin,"  Doniol,  Vol.  V. ; 
Wharton's  "  Introduction  to  Diplomatic  Correspondence  of 
Revolution,"  Vol.  L]  Finally,  in  September,  1783,  a  general 
peace  was  concluded  at  Paris  between  England,  America,  France 
and  Spain.  The  indomitable  spirit  of  the  Americans  would  have 
succeeded  ultimately  without  the  influence  and  aid  of  France, 
for  the  cause  of  the  Revolutionary  fathers  was  just  and  right- 
eous. However,  the  French  alliance  shortened  the  struggle 
and  lessened  the  expense  of  the  war. 

To-day,  in  the  hundred  and  twenty-sixth  year  of  American 
independence,  it  is  probably  immaterial  to  consider  with  too 
much  nicety  the  motives  that  induced  France  to  intervene  on 
behalf  of  the  struggling  colonies.  A  careful  study,  however, 
of  the  history  of  the  American  Revolution  in  all  its  phases  nec- 
essarily leads  to  the  conclusion  that  without  the  military,  naval 
and  financial  aid  of  France,  the  great  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence would  have  been  in  1783  a  mere  manifesto  of  unsuccessful 
rebels  instead  of  the  great  charter  of  a  free  people,  drafted  by 
the  ablest  revolutionists  the  world  has  yet  seen. 


-22- 


IN  THE  PREPARATION  OF  THE  FOREGOING  PAPER  THE 
FOEEOWING  WORKS  WERE  CONSULTED  : 

Doniol,  "  lye  Participation  de  la  France  al  l,Establissement  des  Unis 
Etats  d'Ameriaue." 

"  Public  Journals  of  Congress,"  1774-82. 

"  Secret  Journals  of  Congress,"  1775-82. 

Bancroft,  "History  of  the  United  States,"  Centenary  Edition. 

Balch,  "The  French  in  America  During  War  of  Independence  of 
United  States." 

Bolles,  "  Financial  History  of  the  United  States,"  1774-87. 

Cooper,  "  Naval  History  of  the  United  States." 

Creasy,  "  Fifteen  Decisive  Battles  of  the  World  from  Marathon  to 
Waterloo." 

Dawson,  "Battles  of  the  United  States." 

Durand,  New  Materials  for  History  of  American  Revolution." 

Fiske,  "The  American  Revolution." 

Frothingham,  "Rise  of  the  Republic." 

Gordon,  "  Independence  of  the  United  States." 

E-  E.  Hale  and  E-  E.  Hale,  Jr.,  "Franklin  in  France." 

Guizot,  "History  of  France." 

Hosmer,  "  Eife  of  Samuel  Adams." 

Eecky,  "England  in  the  Eighteenth  Century." 

Iyodge,  "The  Story  of  the  Revolution." 

Eodge,  "Eife  of  Washington."  r 

Eomenie,  "  Beaumarchais  and  His  Times."  (Edwards'  translation.) 

Marshall,  "  Eif e  of  Washington." 

Morse,  "  Eif e  of  John  Adams." 

Morse,  "  Eif e  of  Thomas  Jefferson." 

Pitkin,  "  History  of  the  United  States." 

Parton,  "  Eife  of  Franklin." 

Pellew,  "  Eife  of  John  Jay." 

Sparks,  "  Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  the  American  Revolution." 

Sparks,  "  Writings  of  Washington." 

Sloane,  "The  French  War  and  the  Revolution." 

Stone,  "  Our  French  Allies." 

Tower,  "  Eafayette  in  the  American  Revolution." 

Prescott,  "Diplomacy  of  the  Revolution." 

Tuckerman,  "  Eife  of  Eafayette." 

Wharton,  "The  Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  the  American 
Revolution." 

Winsor,  "Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  the  United  States."  Vols. 
VI.-VII. 


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